The first day of June 2026 almost became an exceptional day in the aggressive war being waged by the army of the Zionist entity against Lebanon. This battle had become part of the wider war that Trump and Netanyahu launched against Iran on 28 February 2026. This shift was cemented when the ceasefire declaration between the United States and Iran also included Lebanon.
Netanyahu restricted the ceasefire agreement with Trump to Beirut’s southern suburb and Beirut only, while the occupation, expansion, and gunfire continued in southern Lebanon.
As a result, southern Lebanon turned into an escalating battlefield between the Islamic Resistance, led by Hezbollah on one side, and the Zionist army on the other.
A New Phase in Southern Lebanon
This escalation in southern Lebanon entered a new phase on 1 June. Its defining feature was the intensification of operations against the Zionist army, as the Ababil drones reached a high degree of accuracy in striking tanks, groups of soldiers, and officers. The military and political leadership failed to confront them, find a way to contain them, or limit their losses.
Netanyahu therefore found no way to respond to this escalation, especially after Hezbollah’s missiles and drones reached northern occupied Palestine. He decided to violate the scope of the ceasefire, which included Beirut and its southern suburb, warning that he would destroy ten buildings for every drone or missile fired at northern Palestine.
Netanyahu announced that this expansion of Zionist air raids had been coordinated with the American president. This announcement aligned with Trump’s retreat from signing the memorandum of understanding. He returned to carrying out limited military strikes in Bandar Abbas, while threatening broader escalation and placing new conditions on Iran before moving forward with negotiations or signing what had previously been agreed.
The winds of the balance of power and the wider circumstances were increasingly blowing against Trump’s interests, especially after he relied on Netanyahu and his advice that the Islamic system in Iran would collapse during the first week of the war. This means that Trump’s following of Netanyahu would be disastrous for him.
Beirut Waited for Another Black Wednesday
In short, before the daylight hours of 1 June had passed, Beirut’s southern suburb had been emptied of its residents after threats of destruction campaigns exceeding everything that had come before. Beirut then waited for a repeat of the “Black Wednesday” experience it had known, when 300 people were killed, thousands were wounded, and widespread destruction took place in a single day, during one of Netanyahu’s days of criminal and frenzied revenge.
But all of this expected escalation suddenly stopped after the office of Khatam al-Anbiya issued a warning to settlers in northern occupied Palestine, meaning southern Lebanon, that they had to leave, just as Netanyahu had announced the forced evacuation of Beirut’s southern suburb.
Tehran Imposes a New Equation
This warning from Tehran translated the equation that the war in Lebanon had become part of the war between the United States and Iran. The moment had arrived when Netanyahu and Trump would no longer be allowed to isolate Lebanon and deal with it alone.
Accordingly, Iran would enter the confrontation directly, a development that had not happened before. The result was a humiliating retreat imposed on Netanyahu under pressure from Trump, who forced it upon him through a phone call that reached the level of insult, accusing him of madness and ingratitude.
Through a precise assessment of the situation, it can be said that the equation prevailing in Lebanon has entered a new qualitative phase, different from what existed before 1 June, a date that has entered the history of this conflict through its widest gates.
The End of Political Manoeuvring
Confirming the accuracy of this assessment requires taking into account the warning issued through the office of Khatam al-Anbiya to settlers in northern Palestine, alongside two other developments from Iran that were announced at almost the same time.
The first was the announcement of the suspension of negotiations, or more precisely, Iran’s exit from the stalemate Trump had imposed on negotiation and correspondence on one side, while simultaneously escalating, hardening positions, and threatening a return to fire, or practising it partially, on the other.
The second development came from the changes taking place in Trump’s increasingly troubled position, both inside the United States and internationally. This is particularly true of the dilemma he would face if a wider war erupted again, whether in Lebanon or Gaza, during the ten days preceding the World Cup or while the matches were taking place. This is aside from the American repercussions that would follow, threatening Trump’s standing, his Republican Party, and his supporters.
From here, the winds of the balance of power and the broader circumstances began blowing more strongly against Trump’s interests. They carried with them a series of failures, particularly during the three months after 28 February, the day he declared war on Tehran in partnership with Netanyahu, and indeed under Netanyahu’s pressure and advice that the Islamic system in Iran would fall during the first week of the war.
That means one thing: Trump following Netanyahu will be a catastrophe for him.
