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From Gaza to Beirut and Damascus: An Open Struggle and the Prospect of a Major Confrontation

September 30, 2025
in Sunna Files Observatory
Reading Time: 9 mins read
0

As the people of the resistance and their supporters across the world — particularly in Lebanon and Palestine — renewed their pledge of loyalty to the martyred leader Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah on the first anniversary of his martyrdom, committing to escalate jihad across all fronts, the head of savage Zionism addressed a near-empty hall at the United Nations in New York, after most representatives of member states walked out as soon as his embattled face appeared.

In his long, tedious speech, Benjamin Netanyahu repeated his constant threats demanding the disarmament of Hezbollah, vowing that the Zionist entity would itself carry out the task if the Lebanese government failed to do so. The government had indeed issued such a decision, though it lacked the capacity to implement it, given that the majority of the Lebanese people refuse to strip the resistance of its weapons while the occupation still holds large swathes of land in the south, destroys villages along the border with northern occupied Palestine, and prevents residents from returning to rebuild their homes and infrastructure.


Trump, Netanyahu, and the American Burden

US President Donald Trump knows well that Netanyahu is struggling to realise his threats in Lebanon and in Gaza, despite the ongoing demolition and forced displacement campaign. Meanwhile, Washington is finding it increasingly difficult to sustain its policy of flooding the Zionist entity with money and weapons as in the past. Several key factors explain this strain:

  1. Severe inflation shaking the American economy and multiplying public debt.
  2. Sharp decline in public support for Trump and the Republican Party, coupled with a rise in popular sympathy for the Palestinian cause and growing condemnation of Zionist brutality, especially with midterm congressional elections approaching in November next year.
  3. Mounting unease among Muslim allies of the United States, prompting Saudi Arabia to forge a military alliance with nuclear-armed Pakistan, which is supplied with advanced weaponry by China.
  4. Iran’s insistence on continuing its nuclear programme and expanding its production of long-range hypersonic ballistic missiles undetectable by advanced NATO radar systems.

A “Joint Approach” with Muslim States?

Trump has been trying to persuade Islamic countries in West Asia that he is serious about a joint approach to halt the war, end famine in Gaza, stop the dismantling of Palestinian refugee camps in the West Bank, and resolve sectarian disputes with the government in Damascus.

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Expanding Through Fire and Killing: Israel’s Yellow Line Swallows More of Gaza

However, his attempts at reaching a broad understanding with Muslim kings and presidents during the UN General Assembly in New York faced four major obstacles tied to the core players in the conflict:

  • Netanyahu’s insistence on continuing genocide and destruction in Gaza, rejecting any formula for an independent Palestinian state.
  • Saudi Arabia’s rejection of normalisation without prior recognition and guarantees of a sovereign Palestinian state.
  • Turkey’s refusal of US arrangements in Syria that would allow Kurdish self-rule independent of Damascus.
  • Lebanon’s inability — and unwillingness — to disarm Hezbollah while Israel still occupies strategic territory and escalates its land and air assaults.

Critical Questions with No Immediate Answers

These challenges raise four pressing questions: How will Netanyahu (or his successor) deal with Trump? How will Recep Tayyip Erdoğan act? How will Iran respond amid renewed sanctions? And how will Hezbollah manoeuvre within Lebanon’s political and security turmoil?

There are no clear or immediate answers. Yet some outlines can be discerned:

  • Israel: No change in policy toward Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, or Syria as long as Netanyahu and his far-right coalition remain in power with Trump’s financial and military backing.
  • Saudi Arabia and the Gulf: Growing discontent with Trump’s support for Netanyahu and his hesitancy on Palestinian statehood, likely pushing Gulf states to step back from normalisation and instead pursue deeper ties — political, economic, and security — with powers outside the US orbit.
  • Syria: Under interim president Ahmad al-Shar’a, the government struggles to control the northeast (Hasakah) and southeast (Sweida), creating dilemmas for Turkey, which seeks to block the emergence of a Kurdish autonomous entity along its southern border.
  • Turkey: Despite close ties between Erdoğan and Trump, Washington continues to promote a “new Middle East” built on sectarian, ethnic, and tribal entities incapable of forming genuine regional alliances against the West.
  • Iran and Hezbollah: Both recognise the grave possibility that Netanyahu, with Trump’s approval, could launch a new strike on Iran using tactical nuclear weapons. Neither Iran nor Hezbollah would likely hesitate to respond, possibly with massive missile salvos targeting not only military and economic sites in the heart of the Zionist entity but also the vital backbone of its economy: offshore oil and gas installations in the Mediterranean.

Conclusion

From Gaza to Beirut and Damascus, the conflict remains open-ended, marked by shifting alliances, deepening crises, and the looming risk of a broader confrontation. The choices of Netanyahu, Trump, Erdoğan, Iran, and Hezbollah will shape the trajectory of the region — but one reality is clear: resistance forces remain steadfast, armed, and unwilling to surrender as long as occupation and aggression persist.

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