The New York Times has published a report by journalist Edward Wong examining growing tensions between US President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman over the war with Iran and the future of regional security.
According to the report, the crown prince had previously urged Trump to cripple Iran’s capabilities. But as Iran demonstrated its strength, Mohammed bin Salman called for a ceasefire and is now pursuing his own security priorities.
Trump and his military commanders found themselves in a difficult position after announcing a new mission to help escort commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran had effectively closed early in the war.
US commanders said American naval and air forces would respond to any Iranian attacks during a temporary ceasefire period.
However, US Central Command was caught by surprise when Saudi officials said American forces could not use the kingdom’s airspace to carry out the mission, which the Pentagon had named “Project Freedom”. The United States had not consulted Saudi Arabia about the operation beforehand.
Urgent and Tense Calls Between Washington and Riyadh
The Saudi refusal triggered a series of urgent and tense phone calls between Washington and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
US officials said an enraged Trump spoke with the crown prince on 4 May, the first day of the operation, and again during the following two days.
Vice President JD Vance also held a separate call with the crown prince. Steve Witkoff, the US special envoy to the Middle East, and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner also spoke with him. Marco Rubio, the White House national security adviser, spoke with his Saudi counterpart.
The crown prince, however, refused to change his position. He feared the American plan could reignite the war. The Trump administration was ultimately forced to suspend Project Freedom less than 48 hours after it began.
“They lost confidence in the administration, and they thought that if they allowed the United States to use their airspace, they would face stronger strikes from Iran,” said Hussein Ibish, a researcher at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.
The intense White House campaign to persuade Mohammed bin Salman, which had not previously been disclosed, along with other critical moments during the war, revealed widening disagreements between US and Saudi officials over regional security, particularly in relation to Iran and Israel.
Saudi Arabia increasingly sees the US government as an unreliable partner and, at times, a source of danger to the Arab Gulf states.
Since the United States and Israel launched their attack on Iran on 28 February, Saudi Arabia has attempted to pursue a middle course to protect its interests. The kingdom provided military and diplomatic support to the United States, exposing itself to Iranian attacks.
However, Saudi Arabia also opposed Trump at critical moments and demonstrated its power and determination when it perceived growing risks from US and Israeli aggression.
Saudi Arabia Pursues Its Own Security Priorities
As Trump attempts to manage the diplomatic process with Iran, with a particular focus on Tehran’s nuclear programme, Saudi Arabia is continuing to pursue its own initiatives.
Riyadh is moving away from US priorities and seeking stronger relationships with other countries, including Pakistan and China. Beijing helped broker the diplomatic breakthrough between Saudi Arabia and Iran in 2023, while the Saudi foreign minister is visiting China this week.
As a result of that diplomatic opening, Saudi officials are holding direct talks with their Iranian counterparts over Iran’s control of the Strait of Hormuz, its missile arsenal and its support for regional militias. The Saudi leadership considers these issues to be greater threats than Iran’s nuclear programme.
Mohammed bin Salman has pursued a careful balancing policy throughout the year.
According to people briefed by US officials, the crown prince warned Trump about the dangers of war before the conflict began. He later reportedly urged the US president to continue fighting in order to eliminate the Iranian government, a claim Saudi Arabia has denied.
As Iran continued to demonstrate its strength, the crown prince began pushing for a negotiated settlement.
At one stage during the war, Saudi Arabia, together with the United Arab Emirates, carried out secret retaliatory attacks against Iran. However, current and former US officials said Mohammed bin Salman was less enthusiastic about escalation than the Emirati leadership.
At the same time, the Saudi crown prince took a harder position than his counterparts in Qatar and Oman, both of which have acted as diplomatic mediators between the United States and Iran.
Now, as the Trump administration attempts to reach agreements with Iran beyond the initial ceasefire announced on 14 June, Saudi Arabia and other Arab Gulf states are pressing for an outcome that protects them from the consequences of any renewed large-scale hostilities involving Iran, Israel or the United States.
Saudi Doubts Over US Reliability
Trump’s hesitation during the war has left Saudi officials questioning whether the United States would provide meaningful protection or exercise sound judgement in any future conflict.
Saudi doubts about Trump date back to 2019, when he refused to retaliate against Iran following drone and missile attacks on Saudi oil facilities.
Ibish described the pattern by saying: “We start a major fight, then get bored and leave. It is like Lucy and the football. They feel like Charlie Brown lying on the ground.”
White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly said Trump has a “great relationship” with Saudi Arabia.
“President Trump listens to diverse views on any given issue and takes the views of our regional partners seriously,” she said. “Ultimately, he makes all decisions based on what is in the best interests of the American people and our national security.”
Despite the tensions, important parts of the US-Saudi partnership remain strong.
The two governments have held months of discussions on how to launch a civilian nuclear programme in Saudi Arabia following an agreement reached last year, according to a US official.
The Trump administration could soon present a plan to Congress, despite concerns among some US lawmakers and Israeli officials that the crown prince could eventually seek to develop nuclear weapons.
Washington and Riyadh are also discussing the establishment of land routes that would avoid the Strait of Hormuz. Saudi Arabia also remains, by a wide margin, the largest buyer of American weapons.
During both of Trump’s presidential terms, Saudi Arabia was the destination of his first major foreign trip.
Kushner maintains close ties with Mohammed bin Salman and frequently travels to Riyadh despite holding no government position. Four years ago, he secured a $2 billion investment from a fund chaired by the crown prince.
Trump Publicly Mocks Mohammed bin Salman
Despite these longstanding ties, Trump publicly mocked the Saudi crown prince during the war.
In March, speaking at a Saudi-organised investment forum in Miami, Trump used belittling language and suggested that Mohammed bin Salman had underestimated both him and his administration.
“He didn’t think he would end up kissing my ass,” Trump said.
There have been other indications of tension.
When Rubio, who also serves as secretary of state, visited the Gulf last week, he excluded Saudi Arabia from his tour. Instead, he held meetings in Bahrain, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, a major regional rival of Saudi Arabia.
In Bahrain, diplomats from Arab Gulf states met Rubio on Thursday to express their concerns about regional security. Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan also held bilateral talks with the US official.
“This alliance has been tested in light of recent events, and it has passed the test successfully,” Rubio told the group meeting. “The levels of cooperation, interaction and friendship that brought us together during these difficult times were put to the test, and they proved their strength and passed with distinction.”
The Ceasefire Has Left Major Questions Unresolved
Although Saudi Arabia is relieved by the ceasefire, the initial agreement has failed to resolve some of the most difficult issues created by the war.
For example, the agreement acknowledges that Iran possesses a form of control over the Strait of Hormuz and allows Iran and Oman to agree on a management mechanism. In the long term, this could include transit charges or other financial fees.
Michael Ratney, a career diplomat who served as US ambassador to Saudi Arabia before retiring at the beginning of Trump’s second term, said Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz had fundamentally changed the strategic outlook across the Gulf.
“The moment Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz, the prevailing mindset across the entire Gulf region changed,” Ratney said. “Iran now has a Sword of Damocles that it can use to threaten the Gulf economy and the global economy.”
The initial document also makes no reference to Iran’s ballistic missiles or its support for militias.
It is also unclear whether the Trump administration will succeed in persuading Iran to sign a nuclear agreement.
In 2018, Trump withdrew from an agreement reached during the Obama administration, despite Iran complying with its terms at the time. The withdrawal prompted Iranian leaders to increase uranium enrichment levels.
Publicly, Saudi officials have praised Trump’s memorandum of understanding with Iran, which paved the way for the ceasefire.
“I believe it is extremely important to reach a memorandum of understanding that we hope will bring an end to this conflict and, more importantly, open the door to resolving many of the outstanding issues, foremost among them, of course, the nuclear file,” Foreign Minister Prince Faisal said at a forum in Vienna on 18 June.
Behind the public statements, however, Saudi officials are taking a wait-and-see approach towards the agreement’s outcome.
For example, Riyadh has not committed any funding towards Iran’s reconstruction, despite the agreement stating that the United States and its regional partners should contribute to that process.
