On 3 September 2025, China staged a meticulously organised military parade in Tiananmen Square to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. The show featured a wide array of weaponry, including intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads and hypersonic missiles.
For many in the Arab world, especially within populist discourse, the display revived hopes of a rising power that could challenge American hegemony and provide protection for oppressed nations, foremost among them the Arab region, which in trade and investment terms is increasingly leaning towards China.
Arab Youth and the “China Factor”
Global media outlets noted that even before the parade, polls revealed growing Arab youth sympathy for China. With nearly 60% of the Arab population under 30, such attitudes carry weight. Surveys by Global Times, the Arab Barometer, and regional PR firms reflected this trend.
According to Mireissa Khurma of the Wilson Centre, the shift is not surprising: China amplifies the message that it has never waged military interventions in the Arab world, unlike the United States. Chinese media highlight economic cooperation and success stories, reinforcing the narrative of a trustworthy partner.
Chinese scholar and rights activist Jiangyi Yang added that many Arab governments and business leaders see China as a reliable, non-political partner — one that delivers technology and trade without the Western conditionalities of “human rights” or politicised restrictions.
Beijing’s Rise, Washington’s Discomfort
The military parade also unsettled Washington. US President Donald Trump wrote on Truth Social, in a clear jab at President Xi Jinping:
“Please send my warm regards to Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un, since you’re conspiring against the United States.”
For American policymakers, China’s growing footprint in the Middle East poses a threat to US interests and regional stability. In 2022, then Undersecretary of Defense Colin Kahl argued that Beijing’s role is narrowly transactional and self-serving. A senior US Air Force general later claimed China aims to “push the United States out of the region” by expanding its economic, diplomatic, and military influence.
Yet others, such as Carnegie researcher Michele Dunne, suggest this narrative is misleading. Rather than replacing the US, China’s presence reflects a wider shift: Arab states are no longer seeking a single “preferred partner” but instead diversifying alliances to safeguard independence and self-interest.
This has opened the door not only for greater Chinese involvement but also for expanded ties with India, South Korea, Japan, Turkey, and other mid-level powers.
Multipolar Reality, Not Handover of Power
The parade did not signal the transfer of unipolar dominance from Washington to Beijing. Instead, it underlined China’s push to cement itself as a pole within an already multipolar world order.
As international relations scholar Amitav Acharya notes in The End of American World Order, US dominance after 1945 was not just about a large economy but about combining economic strength with unmatched military power, technological supremacy, political legitimacy, a thick alliance network, and the global role of the dollar.
China still lacks many of these systemic advantages. Its currency, the renminbi, is not fully convertible; it cannot yet anchor the world’s financial system. While Beijing participates in groups like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, it has nothing resembling NATO or Washington’s treaty networks in Asia. Its overseas bases and global power projection remain limited compared to US naval and air dominance.
Implications for the Arab World
Arab regimes are aware of this reality. They see in China’s military parade signs of intent and progress, but not yet the full arrival of a new superpower.
What is clear, however, is the erosion of trust in the post–World War II order, particularly after Russia invades Ukraine and Israel’s unchecked genocide in Gaza. Washington’s abandonment of everyone except Israel has deepened the conviction that no single power — not even the US — will shape the future alone.
The international system is heading towards pluralism, where multiple powers exert influence. But under current trends, China is unlikely to overtake the US outright. Analysts such as George Magnus argue that with slowing growth and structural vulnerabilities, Beijing may never achieve such dominance.
Conclusion
The reality is sobering: the belief that China will soon displace the United States in the Arab world is premature. The populist Arab narrative risks exaggerating China’s capacity to upend US dominance. Instead, what lies ahead is a multipolar landscape — one where Arab states must navigate carefully, ensuring they neither fall under Washington’s grip nor place blind faith in Beijing.
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