When Syrian revolutionaries overthrew the Assad regime, they dismantled a structure Iran had spent nearly half a century building. This development disrupted Iran’s strategy to penetrate the Arab world, spread sectarianism, and wreak havoc in the region, using Syria as a launchpad for its expansionist project under the guise of resisting Israel and expelling Americans from the region.
It’s no exaggeration to say that Iran became one of the biggest losers in Syria. Its policies led to the destruction of the country, the deaths of nearly a million Syrians, and the displacement of over half the population—around 12 million people scattered worldwide. Instead of acknowledging defeat, rethinking its strategies, reconciling with the Syrian people, apologizing for its atrocities, and compensating for the damages, Iran quickly shifted to sabotaging Syria’s transitional phase, driving it further into ruin.
The disturbing aspect is that Iran hasn’t hidden its intentions, as I discussed in a previous article on Arabi21. What’s new is Tehran’s willingness to pursue this sabotage in collaboration with the United States—and by extension, Israel—to salvage its crumbling regime and its collapsed forward-defense strategy. Currently, Iran proposes to support minorities in Syria, specifically targeting the armed Kurdish factions, as these are linked to both the U.S. and Israel. This strategy would not only advance mutual U.S.-Iran objectives but also serve as a means to counter Turkey.
U.S. and Israeli Stances on Supporting Kurdish Militias
During his previous term, Trump emphasized the need to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria, stating that supporting separatist Kurdish militias was ineffective and counterproductive, undermining shared interests with a powerful regional player like Turkey. Expectations indicate that Trump remains committed to this position and will act on it when he takes office again. Meanwhile, Kurdish militias, particularly the YPG, have sought alternative sponsors, aligning with Israel and Iran’s efforts to undermine Turkey.
Since at least 2019, Israel has been in contact with Kurdish militias. Then-Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely confirmed these interactions, coinciding with a pledge from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to support Kurdish factions against what he called “Turkish aggression.” Similarly, in May 2024, Turkish Defense Minister Yaşar Güler revealed that Turkey had provided Iran with intelligence on the locations of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) elements crossing into Iran from Turkey. However, Tehran refused to act on the information, claiming there were no militants on its soil. Turkey later countered with aerial evidence exposing Iran’s falsehoods.
Post-Assad Syria and Strengthened Kurdish-Israeli Coordination
After Assad’s regime was toppled in December 2024, Israeli rhetoric supporting Kurdish militias and criticizing Turkey intensified. This indicated that Israel would take on the role of supporting Kurdish militias in the event of a U.S. withdrawal. Israeli lobbying in Congress recently led to the drafting of a bill proposing sanctions against Turkey should it exploit the situation to attack Kurdish forces.
Parallel to Israel’s efforts, Iranian officials have openly advocated cooperation with the U.S. and support for the Kurdish YPG. Mehdi Khan Ali Zadeh, a senior Iranian media official and presidential advisor, stated during a televised interview that “Iran must collaborate with the U.S. in Syria, just as it did in Iraq, by supporting the YPG against Turkey.” This explicit statement sparked backlash across Arab and Turkish social media, further isolating Iran and intensifying accusations of hypocrisy against Tehran.
Adding to this, Mohammad Hossein Adeli, a former Iranian diplomat, suggested during a televised interview on January 1, 2025, that Iran and the U.S. have had shared interests over the past two decades, citing collaboration in Afghanistan and Iraq. He argued that similar cooperation in Syria could benefit both sides, despite regional and international actors attempting to dictate the nature of U.S.-Iran relations.
Iran-Israel Convergence on Kurdish Support
On January 3, Israel Hayom reported a detailed phone conversation between Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Ilham Ahmed, a senior representative of the Kurdish-led YPG. Ahmed alleged arbitrary arrests and executions of Kurds by Syria’s new government. The report emphasized that Israel’s coordination with Kurdish militias had grown stronger after Assad’s fall.
On January 5, media outlets reported a meeting in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, between Iran’s Quds Force Commander Esmail Qaani and YPG leader Mazloum Abdi, head of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), an offshoot of the PKK. This meeting highlighted Iran’s growing alignment with Kurdish factions.
On January 7, Israel’s Deputy Foreign Minister publicly called on the international community to prioritize the protection of minorities in Syria. He specifically criticized Turkey for occupying 15% of northern Syria, claiming that Turkish forces and their affiliated militias target Kurdish autonomy, killing and bombing Kurds indiscriminately. He urged global leaders to pressure Turkey into halting its “aggression.”
A Convergence of Interests?
Iran’s consideration of collaborating with the U.S. in Syria against Turkey mirrors its past partnerships with Washington in Afghanistan and Iraq. Meanwhile, Israel shares a similar objective—weakening Turkey’s regional role. Both countries’ willingness to support Kurdish militias forms a point of convergence. However, whether this alignment will achieve its goals remains an open question.
This alignment, however, may not go uncontested. Turkey, with its extensive regional influence, will likely take measures to counter these developments. For now, the situation remains fluid, leaving the outcome of these maneuvers uncertain.
