After Narendra Modi was sworn in for the third time as Prime Minister, his oversized cabinet of 71 members assembled for its first meeting at his residence. It was evident that Modi took care to include individuals from disadvantaged castes, tribes, minority religions, and women in his cabinet. The composition highlighted a deliberate attempt to showcase inclusivity and representation in the government. However, one community notably excluded from the cabinet ministry was the Muslims, marking the first instance of its kind in Indian democracy. The Modi “3.0” Cabinet included representation from various states and castes, but not for the 200 million-strong Muslim minority. Modi, a staunch advocate of the Hindu majority that constitutes 80 percent of India’s 1.4 billion population, has faced widespread criticism for undermining India’s secular democracy with a majoritarian agenda. This approach has facilitated violent attacks by Hindu nationalists against minorities, particularly Muslims.
Composition of the Cabinet
The new cabinet included seven women ministers, 10 Daits, 27 members from Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and five from religious minorities. Although no Sikhs had been elected to the Lok Sabha from the parties in the ruling National Development Alliance (NDA), Ravneet Singh Bittu, who lost his bid to enter the Lok Sabha, and Hardeep Puri from the Rajya Sabha were included as Sikh ministers. Similarly, George Kurien, who had not contested the 2024 election, was inducted from the Christian community. However, one significant minority was conspicuously excluded from the cabinet: Muslims.
Venkat Narayana, former economics professor at Kakatiya University in Telangana and expert political commentator, viewed the lack of Muslim representation in Modi’s government as a clear indication that his non-secular and anti-minority politics would continue as strongly as in his previous two terms. However, with the 2024 election marking a resurgence for India’s opposition with 232 parliamentary seats, Narayana noted that the prime minister would need to adopt a more conciliatory and democratic approach this time.
Political Representation and Exclusion
A critical marker of democratic citizenship is political representation. In 2014, all political parties collectively nominated 320 Muslim candidates, but this number dramatically plunged to a historic low of 94 in 2024. Even non-BJP parties nominated the lowest number of Muslim candidates since India became a republic. The BJP-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) alliance’s success lies not only in reducing Muslim representation in Parliament and state legislatures but also in influencing opposition parties to follow suit. The Congress, in 2024, did not nominate a single Muslim candidate in states like Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand, and Gujarat. Major opposition parties fielded only 43 Muslim candidates in total for the 2024 elections, a sharp decline from 115 in 2019. This trend reflects the political marginalisation of Muslims across the spectrum.
The Performance of Muslim Candidates
Despite the significant drop in the number of Muslim candidates nominated, the number of Muslim candidates elected, at 24, remained almost the same as in the last two general elections. This disproves the argument of non-BJP parties that they avoid nominating Muslims due to concerns over their “winnability.” Fifteen Muslim candidates are leading in various constituencies nationwide, including TMC’s Yusuf Pathan from Berhampore, who holds a comfortable lead over Congress veteran Adhir Ranjan Choudhary. The success rate of Muslim candidates in 2024 was higher compared to non-Muslim candidates, challenging the rationale behind their exclusion. Despite everything, many Indian Muslims feel let down by the so-called secular opposition parties, who largely ignored their fears and concerns. This sentiment is reflected in a parliamentary landscape that appears contradictory.
The Political Landscape and Hindutva
The BJP’s rise under Modi has led to a political environment where Muslim representation is actively excluded. The Congress and other opposition parties have shown reluctance to address the Muslim question, further enabling the BJP’s Hindutva agenda. During the 2024 election campaign, Modi and his senior colleagues frequently stoked fear and hate against Muslims, labeling them as infiltrators and disloyal citizens.
The BJP’s strategy has succeeded in portraying Muslims as a monolithic minority opposed to a united majority, making their votes dispensable. This approach has even garnered support from sections of Christian voters and Dalits, who vote for the BJP despite its exclusionary policies.
The Final Thoughts
The decline in Muslim representation in Parliament and state assemblies has highlighted the political marginalisation of the community. The BJP’s ideological drive to exclude Muslims from political participation has found success, supported by the reluctance of opposition parties to champion Muslim representation. The 2024 elections exposed this crisis, questioning whether Indian Muslims are viewed as equal citizens in the secular democratic republic of India.
The challenge ahead lies in ensuring fair representation and advocating for the constitutional rights of all citizens, regardless of their religious identity. The political and moral crisis revealed in the 2024 elections calls for a renewed commitment to inclusivity and equal representation in India’s democratic processes.
