Israel’s war of extermination in Gaza after 7 October 2023 sought to break the Palestinian people through enforced surrender, the emptying of Gaza, the terrorising of the West Bank, and the subjugation of an entire people by fire, fear, and famine. It failed.
Palestinians did not break. They buried their martyrs, tended their wounded, and held fast to their land and to the enduring truth that their cause is not extinguished by sieges, bombardment, or threats. The world watched an all-out campaign of annihilation and destruction broadcast from every phone, exposing the bankruptcy of an international order that claims civility while arming a settler-colonial entity that kills children, targets their innocence, and starves them.
That failure confronts the Zionist entity with a strategic choice it long tried to avoid. It can no longer pretend that domination is accepted as peace, that apartheid is excused as security, or that mass expulsion can be sold as a humanitarian operation. The mask has fallen.
The question now is not whether the Zionist entity will change course, but which course it will attempt, and how each path will in fact accelerate the end of the Zionist project as a structure of domination and racial supremacy over an indigenous people rooted in their homeland for millennia.
Four scenarios sketch today’s horizon. Each exposes the inner contradiction of a project that claims democracy while denying basic rights, that demands land without its people, and craves international legitimacy while trampling international law. Each road leads to the same destination: dismantling the architecture of Zionist control to restore justice to Palestinians and secure a real peace for the region.
Scenario One: The Two-State Endgame
The world still chants for a so-called two-state solution, the supposed outcome of the failed Oslo process since 1993. Capitals issue statements. Diplomats dust off old maps. The phrases are familiar: a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital; removal of illegal settlements; safe corridors between the strip and the West Bank; an end to occupation and siege.
Everyone also knows why the goal remains out of reach. The West Bank is strangled by hundreds of checkpoints. Land seizure and confiscation continue as settlement blocs expand. Palestinian territory is carved into islands under Zionist control from Qalandiya to Huwara, while East Jerusalem has, in practice, been annexed.
For decades the Zionist entity worked to make a viable Palestinian state impossible, then pointed to its own facts on the ground to claim there is nothing left to negotiate.
Suppose, however, that serious international pressure forced the creation of a Palestinian state. Israel would be compelled to return to the pre-1967 lines known as the Green Line. Dreams of permanent expansion would be curbed and the machinery of annexation halted.
Most Israelis grasp that a truly sovereign Palestinian state is a challenge to Zionist ideology, because it affirms the core principle: Palestinians are a people with rights, not a population to be managed. The refugees would not vanish. More than seven million Palestinians outside the homeland would continue to claim the right of return. East Jerusalem would belong to its people.
Even if this path succeeded, which is highly unlikely, it would mark the beginning of the end of the Zionist entity as a structure of supremacy and control, because it would finally concede the truth denied for more than a century: Palestinians are equal human beings whose rights do not stop at a checkpoint. The entity knows this, which is why it will resist and obstruct it at every turn.
Scenario Two: One Democratic State
The land between the river and the sea is a single geographic unit. The Zionist entity recognises this when it insists on imposing control from Rafah to Rosh HaNikra and from Jaffa to Jericho.
If it insists on a unified territory yet is driven by global pressure to adopt a single political system with equal rights, it can no longer claim to be a Jewish state. It can be a democratic state or an ethno-religious state, but it cannot be both.
Demography has already settled the debate. Even without counting Palestinians in exile, Palestinians now form more than half of the people governed by the entity across historic Palestine. A single constitutional order that guarantees equal civil and political rights would terminate Zionism as a supremacist project and replace it with a civic state, a republic of equal citizens.
Many around the world view this as the ethical horizon. Precisely for that reason the Zionist entity rejects it, because it negates the ideological foundations on which it rests.
Scenario Three: Entrenching Permanent Apartheid
This is the path the entity has pursued for years: annex more land; erase the Green Line in practice while keeping it for public relations; proclaim sovereignty from the river to the sea while denying those under its rule the most basic rights; keep Gaza under siege and the West Bank under military rule; confiscate land, suffocate Palestinians, build Jewish-only roads and an apartheid wall; expand outposts and legalise them retroactively; coin new legal terms to mask old myths.
It declares security while it means domination. It says temporary while it intends permanent. It harasses, besieges, and brutalises Palestinians until despair forces surrender or flight.
This was Gaza before the Al-Aqsa Flood, and it is a reality that cannot hold. After 7 October 2023, moral and legal condemnations of Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza multiplied. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Israeli organisation B’Tselem have described the entity as an apartheid regime. The International Court of Justice issued orders for provisional measures in January and March 2024, and in May 2024 the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court sought arrest warrants for the entity’s prime minister and former war minister.
The entity may flex military muscle or mobilise its international patrons, but it cannot claim moral authority or maintain political credibility. Global civil society has shifted decisively. Voices from mosques and churches, unions, students, professionals, and community leaders have risen in capitals across the world against complicity. Pressure on governments grows to halt arms and trade and to comply with international law.
The more the entity tries to keep over half the population of historic Palestine without rights, the more isolated it becomes. Economies built on advanced technology and global markets do not thrive under pariah status, and culture and knowledge do not flourish in states that practice bullying and supremacy. Over time, the walls of impunity crack. When they fall, the Zionist structure will eventually implode.
Scenario Four: Mass Expulsion
This is the old transfer fantasy dressed in modern language. Zionists imagine that if the entity cannot rule a people, it can remove that people. They speak of voluntary relocation and humanitarian corridors while the operative logic is ethnic cleansing.
Gaza revealed both the intent and its limits. After nearly two years of the region’s most savage scenes of killing and annihilation, Palestinians did not leave. They buried their children and stayed. Their steadfastness became proverbial.
The West Bank tells the same story. Neighbourhoods, communities, and villages were attacked and devastated, yet they rebuilt.
States in the region understand that absorbing population transfers would ignite their own societies, so they refuse to be instruments of expulsion. The world is networked with cameras and phones. Crimes cannot be hidden as before.
There is nowhere on earth to push millions without collapsing the international system. The Israeli attempt at forced displacement in Gaza, backed by unrestrained American support, failed spectacularly over two years.
Any future attempt to expel Palestinians from Gaza or the West Bank would only hasten the collapse of the entity’s legitimacy and push even hesitant states to act against it. It would accelerate its end rather than delay it.
What the Four Paths Reveal
Whichever scenario unfolds, the end of political Zionism is the inevitable outcome. Each path shows that the Zionist entity has reached the edge of its model. It cannot accept a real Palestinian state without abandoning endless expansion. It cannot accept one democratic state without relinquishing its identity as a regime of ethno-religious supremacy. It cannot perpetuate apartheid without becoming a global pariah that bleeds support and capacity year after year. It cannot effect mass expulsion without igniting regional and international crises that accelerate its isolation and collapse.
This is not a question of victory or defeat, but of different forms of strategic retreat. The world’s crisis is no longer the Palestinian question, but the Israeli problem that the world must confront, challenge, and resolve.
A system founded on plunder and domination will use every tool to survive. The task is to end this cycle by dismantling the structures and policies that entrench that domination.
Dismantling Zionist Structures is the Strategic Objective
Dismantling is not a slogan. It is the grand strategy.
First pillar: keep people rooted on their land. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, within the 1948 lines, and in refugee camps across the region must be protected from displacement. That requires sustaining their presence, supporting their resistance and steadfastness, ending siege and annexation, releasing prisoners and detainees, securing aid corridors, and funding reconstruction without political blackmail. Reconstruction must be managed by Palestinian institutions in partnership with UN agencies and friendly states, not by foreign trusteeships or military edicts.
Steadfastness and resistance are the moral centre of this struggle. Without a people living on their land, justice becomes abstract, without spirit or meaning.
Second pillar: build a global movement to map and weaken the project’s power centres everywhere. The movement must chart the nodes of strength: lobbying networks and influence machines that bankroll destruction and shield perpetrators in parliaments; capital flows that fund settlement and weaponry; surveillance technologies that turn cities into open-air prisons; media systems that launder crimes as security narratives; academic partnerships that normalise apartheid and dress it up as innovation; military doctrines that enshrine collective punishment; legal armour that disables deterrence and accountability.
Every strategy that sustains the entity must meet a counter-strategy: enforce divestment from companies implicated in settlement and siege; tie trade and research to compliance with international law; impose arms embargoes and end police exchanges and spyware that enable repression; defend academic freedom while rejecting partnerships that whitewash apartheid; protect journalists and human rights defenders; use universal jurisdiction, the ICC, and national courts to pursue grave crimes; disrupt financial systems that underwrite joint criminality; and preserve memory through archives of Palestinian testimony and documentation under occupation that no later denial can erase.
This movement must be transnational and inclusive. Centred on Palestinians yet broader than Palestinians alone. It will need unions that shut ports to weapons shipments, doctors who refuse to weaponise medicine, engineers who decline contracts to build bombs, prisons, and walls, artists who stir conscience, students and academics who refuse to turn universities into surveillance hubs or propaganda mills, religious communities and cultural institutions that insist sacred texts and ethical values cannot be covers for cruelty or for stripping Palestinians of their humanity, and global movements that converge on a shared language of justice, rights, liberty, equality, and dignity.
It will also need anti-Zionist Jews who reject the lie that Palestinian freedom threatens their safety, as well as Muslims, Christians, followers of other faiths, and people of no faith who recognise the line that matters is between right and wrong, domination and freedom, dignified life and servitude, a colonised present and a decolonised future.
The moral framework is clear: Zionism is a racist, supremacist ideology and a settler-colonial project that has produced an apartheid regime. Zionism is not Judaism. The struggle is against an ideology, structures, and institutions that created and sustain injustice, not against a faith or a people.
Antisemitism is rejected, as is Islamophobia and all forms of racism. A system founded on justice and rights ends religious and racial discrimination and fear, and replaces it with a political order where sovereignty belongs to the people of the land.
Near Term and Medium Term
In the near term, the entity will try to preserve its advantage: maintain the siege, deepen annexation in the West Bank, escalate attacks on civil society and journalists, repackage a context-free self-defence narrative, and bank on exhausting the other side.
The response must be to prevent this slide: keep the cameras on, convert court orders into state policy, turn student demands into university policy, union decisions into supply-chain changes, and municipal resolutions into procurement rules that bar contracts with companies complicit in genocide. In short, ensure the entity pays a steep price whenever it violates the most basic norms of humanity.
In the medium term, strategic options must be reactivated through political, economic, and social pressure. States must move from words to deeds. Suspending the entity’s UN membership should become a global demand. Arms embargoes should become standard policy. Broad trade and economic sanctions should widen. Cultural and academic institutions should draw binding ethical lines.
The entity will reply with rage and a fresh propaganda drive, claiming persecution. The answer is simple: when a state commits or enables genocide and codifies apartheid, it forfeits any claim to be treated as normal.
7 October: Accelerating the End of Zionism
Gaza stripped illusions. It revealed the depth of Palestinian courage, steadfastness, and resolve; the cost of complicity and cowardice; and the weakness of an entity that finds no path to safety except bombing hospitals and starving families to maintain a fraudulent sense of security.
These four scenarios are not pathways to the project’s triumph, but milestones on its decline. The task is to hasten that end by building a global movement equal to the scale of the crime and the breadth of hope: keep people on their land, rebuild shattered lives, end the siege, free the prisoners, pursue those who ordered and executed crimes, and encircle the structures of domination and destruction until they are uprooted.
Justice is not a favour but the highest value. Freedom is not a slogan but the essential goal. Independence is not optional but a duty. Self-determination is not a mirage but the ultimate end. Return is not a dream but a right. When these truths become our compass, the road that once seemed impossible becomes the only reasonable path. The people of Palestine have carried this truth from one Nakba to another. The world is finally beginning to listen and to see.
