Nearly a year into Israel’s assault on Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has yet to achieve his declared military objectives. It now seems he is willing to gamble with the entire Zionist project, hoping that by prolonging the war, his problems might eventually disappear. Ultimately, he will be forced to make a significant decision to shift the course of the conflict.
Netanyahu has earned various titles throughout his career, including being called a war criminal, a racist, and a narcissist. However, what truly stands out is his knack for political survival, a trait likely fueled by the darker aspects of his personality. In his pursuit of self-preservation, Netanyahu has reshaped Israeli society to reflect his own image, bringing to light the more extreme facets of the Zionist settler-colonial agenda.
For over three decades, Netanyahu has skillfully played Israeli politicians against each other, exploiting political divisions and boosting the influence of the extremist religious-nationalist settler movement. Although he might have preferred not to rely on the ultra-right Religious Zionism alliance to remain in power, he has been left with no alternative. Now, as he tries to navigate Israel’s political turmoil, he risks being overwhelmed by the pressure he has helped create.
The Zionist project, expansionist and genocidal by nature, was built on the goal of displacing the indigenous Palestinian population to establish an ethno-state. While some might argue that the current Israeli government is more extreme than its predecessors, this perspective oversimplifies the situation. Netanyahu’s role in hastening the collapse of the Zionist regime makes him a figure worth analyzing to understand the broader dynamics at play.
Running Out of Options
Netanyahu’s reputation as a political survivor is well-earned, but even the most skilled leaders eventually face insurmountable challenges. Over the years, Netanyahu has portrayed himself as the victim of a conspiracy, primarily targeting what he calls the “Israeli Left.” To maintain this narrative, he has managed to shift the political landscape, redefining what constitutes a “Left” in Israel. When he first assumed office in 1996, the Labour Party was considered the Left. However, after the Oslo Accords, Labour essentially faded into insignificance.
Meanwhile, with each election, more right-wing factions emerged, often due to conflicts with Netanyahu himself. As Israeli society drifted further toward extreme ideologies, the lines between Right and Left blurred, leaving only fringe groups like Meretz to represent what little remained of the political Left. Palestinian parties are, of course, an exception.
While pushing Israel’s political system further to the right, Netanyahu has also bolstered the settler movement, particularly following Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. This movement, once determined to prevent any future disruptions to settlement expansion, has grown in power, with Netanyahu aligning himself with their cause. Today, he relies on this extremist faction for political survival.
However, the settler movement’s lack of subtlety has become a liability. Their open calls for genocide and expansion have exposed Israel’s true intentions to the world, making it harder for the Zionist regime to hide behind diplomatic facades. Even Netanyahu himself has felt emboldened to voice extremist views without facing significant backlash from within Israel.
Crisis After October 7
The October 7 attacks plunged Netanyahu into one of the greatest crises Israel has ever faced. Instead of de-escalating, he opted to prolong the conflict indefinitely, hoping for a solution to emerge. To justify the war, Netanyahu constructed a narrative filled with sensational claims, such as beheaded babies and mass rapes, aiming to paint the attack as something far beyond a military operation. This framing, likening the incident to the Holocaust, was designed to provide Israel with the legitimacy to wage a brutal campaign against Gaza.
Now, over 11 months later, Netanyahu has failed to achieve his war objectives and finds himself in a prolonged conflict his military was unprepared for. While the U.S. government under Joe Biden lacks the political will to force an end to the war, it is clear that Washington is uneasy with the ongoing conflict. Despite this, Netanyahu sees no compelling reason to stop, as there are no immediate consequences for him from the U.S.
Israel’s genocidal leadership has fostered a society that doesn’t comprehend the need for political compromise or restraint. Many Israelis support the continuation of the war, though a significant number also demand the return of Israeli prisoners held in Gaza. These protests for a ceasefire, however, have little to do with concern for Palestinian lives—they are focused solely on securing the release of Israeli captives. A recent Pew poll shows that 70% of Israeli Jews believe showing empathy for Gazan civilians should be prohibited, and few believe Israel is using excessive force in the war.
This situation presents a major challenge for Netanyahu, as a portion of the Israeli public, particularly those who dislike his personality or fear a theocratic regime, is growing restless. If left unresolved, this could become a serious economic and political burden for Israel.
Regional Tensions Escalate
With domestic pressures mounting, Netanyahu may seek a larger distraction, such as a regional war, to shift focus away from Gaza. Tensions with Lebanon, Iran, and the West Bank are simmering, and any of these fronts could ignite a broader conflict. Netanyahu’s recent assassination attempts on Hezbollah and Hamas leaders suggest he may be looking for a confrontation. However, the lack of immediate responses from Hezbollah, Iran, or Ansarallah leaves the situation uncertain, with Israel waiting for the other shoe to drop.
In the West Bank, Israeli forces have been heavily deployed to prevent a potential uprising, which could add another layer of instability. As time ticks on, Netanyahu faces a critical decision: either push for a ceasefire or gamble on expanding the war.
